A private equity accountability gap

Much advocacy on corporate accountability and responsible finance focuses on the public markets. But we are missing a big piece of the picture – the rapid expansion and influence of private markets, which often operate behind closed doors and with little oversight.

The following note provides food for thought and is a conversation-starter. It touches on the scale of private equity (as one segment of the private markets), its importance for advocacy on climate change, human and workers’ rights, and potential next steps for advocacy.

The scale

Private equity (PE) plays a rapidly growing role in the global financial system. As an expert on the financial industry put it in 2020, private equity is “a beast we are going to encounter with increasing regularity”.

Globally, private markets increased 8-fold between 2000 and 2018, from $700 billion in assets to 5.8 trillion. While some PE investors have been affected by COVID-19 downturns just like other investment streams, it is at moments of crisis like this that private equity will also seek to expand its reach. In fact as the Economist has highlighted, private equity is “due a growth spurt“:

“A year ago [in April 2020] Blackstone, a PE giant, reported a first-quarter loss of more than $1bn. A reckoning seemed overdue. Widespread defaults on over-borrowed PE-owned businesses were expected. A year on, Blackstone has reported record profits of $1.75bn. So much for comeuppance.” Economist, May 2021

Private equity is influential in all regions. For example Asia Pacific’s share of global PE is now 26%. In Africa, PE has traditionally been a key partner of development finance institutions – about 10% of the money raised by private equity funds for investment in Africa comes from the UK’s development finance institution. In the US, PE controls twice as many companies as are publicly traded.

Leverage points

From labor rights to the climate crisis, private equity can and should be an important target for advocacy.

There is an opportunity for follow-the-money and joint campaign strategies targeted towards governments as regulators, private equity entities themselves (some of which are becoming more reputation-conscious), as well as towards the banks that negotiate private equity debt, and the pension funds and other institutional investors that invest into private equity as Limited Partners (LPs).

There is a tension here – a pension fund will look to maximize the returns from its investments and is legally bound to do so – but institutional investors are increasingly sensitive to the longer term implications of their investments for climate change and inequality. As Institutional Investor has put it: “Given the size of the largest LPs, one could imagine a like-minded group of fewer than ten asset owners having the ability to influence the entire PE asset class”.

Examples: human rights, labor rights, and the climate crisis

PE plays different roles in different contexts; oftentimes positive, for example by spurring innovation and giving a boost to failing companies. However the industry’s overall focus on maximizing short-term financial returns exacerbates the risk of harm to workers, local communities, and the environment. A few illustrative examples:

Climate: Early stage investments through venture capital and private equity will play a growing role in technological innovation as governments advance zero carbon policies; while a) these investors may pay limited if any attention to the human rights dimensions of those investments and b) they will often continue investing in fossil fuels at the same time, and buy up fossil fuel assets divested by public companies. A recent survey of LPs found that they themselves believe PE firms are not doing enough on climate.

Workers: A frequently-cited example from the United States is Toys R US, which went bankrupt after being taken over by three private equity firms, leading to around 30,000 workers losing their jobs. Campaigners won the creation of a severance fund into which KKR and Bain Capital each paid $10 million – demonstrating that campaigns directly targeting PE can have an impact, albeit retroactive in this case (the third owner, Vornado, did not contribute). Toys R Us creditors have also sued the PE firms, saying that their executives took out millions of dollars to benefit themselves prior to bankruptcy.

Housing: Private equity firms such as Blackstone have become major landlords in North America, Europe, Asia, and Latin America (indeed real estate is the sector with the highest proportion of PE investments, followed by energy and utilities as the above infographic shows). UN mandate-holders and others have highlighted how the industry’s approach has undermined the right to adequate housing.

The need for action

Testimony by Americans for Financial Reform has summarized the problematic nature of PE, as it currently operates:

“The business model followed by the dominant private equity firms today is fundamentally predatory and extractive. Current law permits and even encourages private equity firms to be structured in such a way that the general partners [are] rewarded for maximizing immediate returns to themselves, and shielded from liability, accountability, and transparency for the decisions they make.”

In addition PE – from leadership downwards – still has a major lack of gender and racial diversity.

The industry will make the case for the various ways that it supports the businesses it invests in and generates economic growth. Yet it is telling that an industry-facing piece itself highlighted the negative experience some PE-portfolio companies have experienced during the pandemic:

“Their top concern cited was financial controls—such as those placed on investments and expenses as well as a lack of capital infusion. It was followed by tighter talent policies, such as headcount reduction and reduced compensation, while excessive operational scrutiny ranked third.”

Meanwhile the PE industry itself is gradually paying attention to “ESG” (environmental, social, and governance considerations), with varying degrees according to region. The UN Principles on Responsible Investment has a growing focus area on private equity and human rights. And private equity approaches are often favored by impact investors. There is a risk that the industry will self-define what its responsibilities are, and how well it is doing against them, without enough countervailing scrutiny and pressure from civil society. There is a need to fill gaps in terms of transparency and accountability – including regulatory reform (such as strengthening legal liabilities for general partners) – and to identify opportunities for joint-campaigns across issue areas focused on specific PE firms and their LPs.

For more on these issues – see Predistribution Initiative’s 2021 report “ESG 2.0: Managing and Measuring Investor Risks Beyond the Enterprise Model” (with good industry insights into business-model challenges with private equity and what can be done), and [June 2021 UPDATE] Empower’s freely available book for advocates, “Runaway Train: The Perilous and Pernicious Path of Private Capital Worldwide.


Time for a comprehensive plan, says Thriving Communities Coalition

New York City faces rising sea levels, increasing inequality and growth, and broken infrastructure. In that context, said Council Member Brad Lander at a recent CityLimits discussion, the city needs a comprehensive approach to planning. It makes little sense to continue with the current piece-meal process.

“The main reason we are going to continue doing it the way we have been doing it, is there’s a significant status quo bias,” he added.

This year a Charter Revision is underway. A commission is developing a set of revisions to the City Charter that will go before voters in November. Tomorrow evening, the Commission is holding a public meeting where they will vote on which proposals advance to the final recommendations.

One area under review is land use. The Thriving Communities Coalition has used this opportunity to call for a city-wide, comprehensive approach to planning that puts equity at the center. The coalition’s principles include a “fair distribution of resources and development”, “transparency and accountability”, and “real community power and ownership.”

Elena Conte of the Pratt Center, one of the coalition members, explained on the WBAI Max & Murphy Show what’s wrong with the current system.

“Right now we’re both failing to meet the needs of existing residents and we’re failing to plan holistically for the growth that is anticipated, the climate change that is already happening. It’s as though the right-hand doesn’t know what the left hand is doing when it comes to planning and policy. And the folks who are bearing the biggest brunt of that are communities of color because of the long legacy of unmet needs and racist planning decisions that have left them with baseline conditions that are so inappropriate for a baseline standard of living.”

At a Charter Revision hearing back in March, members of the coalition and Council Member Antonio Reynoso, who also backs its goals, were the last to testify.  They followed a series of testimonies that argued for things to stay as they are. “A lot of the case being made [so far] is so uninspired,” said Reynoso. “Yet we as a city are anything but that.”

“There has to be a better way…This is not how we should be planning in our city. It shouldn’t happen one step at a time, one council member at a time, we should have a thoughtful process, and truly believe that we can plan as a city.”

The commission’s staff recommendations so far have landed half-way between status quo and the changes the coalition is calling for (see pages 41-56 of the staff report).

They refer to the 12 separate kinds of existing plans – like the City Strategic Policy Statement, Ten-Year Capital Strategy, and Citywide Statement of Needs – which currently operate in a disconnected way, and could potentially be connected into a comprehensive plan for the city.

The question remains whether the Commission will put deep reforms that really address inequity in the planning process to the public in November.

Re-building and building in Coney Island

Look at the NYC Department of Building’s map of active major construction, and there are large blue dots along the Southern Brooklyn waterfront. Dig further into the data, and it shows that over 70 major construction projects are underway within Brooklyn’s Community Board 13, which includes Brighton Beach, Coney Island, Gravesend and SeaGate.

From NYC Department of Buildings’ Active Major Construction map

The area was hard-hit by superstorm Sandy in 2012. Some Sandy re-construction of public housing projects is still not finished.

But developers are drawn to the water-side views, and to the benefits of a Bloomberg-era re-zoning, whose results were delayed first by the recession then the storm.  Developments are going up with names like “Ocean Dreams“. Local resident Moses, fishing on the Coney Island pier, says that he’s not surprised.

“Everyone wants to live by the ocean,” he says. Then he adds that what does bother him, is the noise from the construction – which echoed from building to building as he spoke.

He also projects that a lot more traffic will come with the new buildings. “Parking’s going to be crazy. It’s already pretty packed here in the Summer.”

Further along the pier, Mr. Jefferson is on a bench enjoying the sun. He comes here for peace and quiet, from New Jersey. “It’s pretty decent now. It’s not a crime infested, drug infested neighborhood,” he says. “What should they do here? Stabilize it, keep it as it is.”

With the booming development and the growing impacts of climate change, though, one thing that seems certain in Coney Island is change.

Residents have flagged the disconnect between the expansion of luxury and market-rate apartments, and the investment needs of the existing community.

Speaking with Fast Company, local Jaime Cartagena has said: “Building new luxury apartments here is like fixing your hat when there’s a hole in your boat…Look around, there are 33 empty storefronts on Mermaid Avenue. We don’t even have a rec center. We need things like community centers in the West End, places for kids to play.”

Read more:

Alliance for Coney Island

Special Initiative for Recovery and Resilience: Southern Brooklyn report

Hudson Yards and the Right to the City

One of the ads on the shiny new electronic stands at Hudson Yards assures us that Wells Fargo and Hudson Yards are “shaping New York’s Future Together.” Wells Fargo is the “preferred bank” of the $25 billion development that opened last week on Manhattan’s West side.

If indeed the future does look like Hudson Yards, it will be a dystopian one. In so many ways, Hudson Yards epitomizes the opposite of the “right to the city” – of city dwellers’ “freedom to make and remake our cities and ourselves.”

A walk around Hudson Yards immediately puts many of our rights into question. For example…

The right to privacy

As people move around Hudson Yards, Related, the projects’ main developer, is collecting data about their movements. It will hold the data indefinitely. The electronic towers like the one with the Wells Fargo ad have interactive screens on the side, with tiny cameras installed. Jay Cross, President of Related Hudson Yards has said in a Real Deal interview that so far the primary use of the cameras is to convey information back to advertisers:

“We can say how many people looked at this ad, for how long. Did they seem interested, bored, were they smiling?”

That could just be the start of it, with Related able to share the data to third parties. “We can do what we want with our data,” Cross adds.

The rights to participation and to public space

Forget about it! With significant State-level involvement, there were not the usual City-based checks and balances to make sure that development projects take local, public needs into account. As Samuel Stein, author of “Capital City: Gentrification and the Real Estate State” puts it, Hudson Yards is the “ultimate example of real estate-driven urban planning.”

Beyond the lack of community input on the process of developing Hudson Yards, is the fact that it is a development shamelessly targeted at a super-wealthy minority. New York Times’ architecture critic Michael Kimmelman wrote:

“It is, at heart, a supersized suburban-style office park, with a shopping mall and a quasi-gated condo community targeted at the 0.1 percent.”

In many people’s minds, New York is associated with an image of chaotic, diverse streets and sidewalks. The sidewalks are places of spontaneous interaction – at times messy, often challenging and fraught with contention – but public interaction all the same.

Hudson Yards, with its concrete spaces surrounded by flat glass walls, destroys the idea of the street.

Ironically, Thomas Heatherwick, the architect of the “Vessel” (aka the “shawarma”) sees it as a “building extension of the public space”. He has described the twisting staircases as an opportunity for an “unspoken choreography as you see each other”. But through the lenses of selfie-taking, instagramming cameras, Vessel visitors don’t see each other, in fact it’s almost as if they don’t see themselves.

At the time of the opening, Related’s terms of service gave the right to all photos taken on the Vessel to the company – a policy it only tweaked after a public outcry.

The right to adequate housing

New York City is in the midst of a housing crisis, with over 60,000 people homeless each night, and increasing numbers of New Yorkers displaced from neighborhoods as they are unable to afford the rent. Hudson Yards – originally conceived by the Bloomberg administration following New York City’s unsuccessful Olympics bid – prioritized luxury apartments from the outset. Penthouses at Hudson Yards are going for $14 million and more, while only 1,300 apartments in the fully-completed complex will be subsidized at any level.

The right to non-discrimination

The 100% male and largely white line-up for the launch day says so much about the demographics of who calls the shots at Hudson Yards and who will reap the benefits.

The line-up conveyed a clear message, that this project is not by nor for the majority of New Yorkers.

Freedom of association

In 2018, Related began using non-union contractors on the Hudson Yards project, almost unheard of for major Manhattan developments. The building and construction trades council launched the “CountMeIn” campaign to fight back, but the Related move had stoked divisions between unions. Related reached a deal with the trades council conveniently right before launch day, hailing a “new model of collaboration”, and leaving many of the rank and file union members feeling betrayed.

Bennett Kremen, a member of Pipeliners Local 798 reportedly said: “Seeing this tragic betrayal of the ‘Count Me In’ movement now explains exactly why the great American labor movement and our struggling democracy are dying.”

The future

At an event at the 92Y that coincided with the Hudson Yards opening day, New York magazine’s editor at large Carl Swanson said: “I guess it reflects a kind of new international style”.

True…an international style that’s recognizable from Dubai, to Singapore, to new cities mimicking Dubai that are popping up across Africa.

However much the Hudson Yards developers and beneficiaries might like to believe this is a valid future they are creating, it’s an unsustainable one. The fight for the right to the city is alive and well in new York, as it is in so many cities.

Last night, organizations from across the five boroughs gathered to call on elected officials to make the vision of a Green New Deal for New York City a reality: reducing emissions from buildings, transitioning to renewable energy and more.

The new 2019 report by the New York City Panel on Climate Change features community-based assessments of adaptation and equity that are led by grassroots organizations in Harlem, Hunts Point and Sunset Park.

And the Upstate-Downstate Housing Alliance is tirelessly fighting for legal reforms to protect New York’s tenants and homeless people.

These are the people who are shaping New York’s future together.

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Follow district-by-district stories of people transforming the way we build in NYC, via the Rights Here map:

Day laborers organizing for change at La Colmena, Staten Island

Signs outside La Colmena

When hurricane Sandy tore through Staten Island in 2012, day laborers were among the first on the scene.

About 15 organizations from across the Tri-State area formed day laborer brigades, who went door-to-door on Sundays volunteering to clean up people’s homes.

“We had an instance with an Irish family, I remember,” says La Colmena ED Gonzalo Mercado (who at the time was ED of El Centro del Inmigrante). “We got to the door, and said we have a group of six workers who can help you, because they were trying to get stuff out of the house, and cleaning up. Originally they were very suspicious. Thinking who are these brown people coming into my house, you know…

“And then very hesitantly they said ok sure, they can help us. We came back around six o’ clock to pick them up, I mean those people were crying, hugging these workers, it was so incredibly moving. And you know that experience with them is going to last forever.”

Day laborers played a crucial role in relief and rebuilding, just as they have in so many climate-related disasters across the country, from the multiple hurricanes of 2017, to the recent wildfires in California.

The CUNY report “Day Labor, Worker Center & Disaster Relief Work in the Aftermath of Hurricane Sandy” describes workers’ exposure to hazardous materials and unsafe working conditions, the lack of preparedness for the storm, and the combination of ignorance and negligence on the part of many homeowners and contractors.

Important advances have been made since Sandy.

Worker centers and organizations such as Make the Road joined forces to increase OSHA health and safety training. La Colmena can now provide these trainings monthly, and has a train-the-trainers program so that their workers can become certified themselves. Another breakthrough is that the City now formally supports a network of five day laborer centers, one in each borough.

The frequency of storms and surges will only increase. Mercado believes that much more can be done, including making sure that day laborer centers are fully-equipped with emergency response equipment like generators.

Combatting wage theft and workplace accidents

La Colmena is strategically located next to Staten Island’s two major day laborer “corners” – two of around 35 across the city where workers wait for contractors to pick them up for construction jobs. One of the center’s many roles is issuing contracts between workers and employers. The members work on a wide variety of jobs – from local landscaping in gardens to working on luxury towers in Manhattan.

The winter months are particularly tough for some workers, when landscaping work slows right down. Some fall into homelessness and substance abuse, just as the weather is at its coldest. In January, a 25-year-old member died.

The workers regularly face wage theft, workplace accidents, and discrimination.  A “wall of shame” by the door lists contractors with bad track records as a warning to avoid them.

Mercado cites the efforts of the Manhattan District Attorney as a major advance in holding abusive contractors accountable. Cyrus Vance is leading the way in issuing criminal penalties for wage theft, and for safety lapses that cause accidents and deaths.

“That’s what we need to see more of,” says Mercado. “That’s the only way that developers and construction companies are really going to understand that our workers are not disposable workers. That saving here, saving there, or producing a job in a shorter time, has its consequences. It can’t be just profit. We are playing with the lives of workers.”

Mercado also sees an opportunity to raise awareness and educate the broader public and building owners. Some of the construction sites are “townhouses that go for millions and millions of dollars,” he says, “So you think at least they can take care of the workers who are building them”.

In the future, one approach could be issuing grades – similar to those used for restaurants – to building sites or developers.

“We have a situation that’s like a no-man’s-land with developers and contractors. You are always going to find the contractors who are charging the cheapest, developers are going to go with them.

“So how do we change that culture? It’s not only unfair for workers. It’s unfair for the good developers, and good contractors, who do want to do the right thing, but are being undercut by these other guys.”

Mercado also emphasizes the need to strengthen the pathway for worker center members into union jobs. In many ways the role the worker centers are playing, he says, is providing a space for organizing, for access to resources, and training, for workers who could potentially be part of a union. Despite challenges, he says that there “has to be a way”.

Building economic democracy

Workers’ lives and challenges extend well beyond the workplace, of course. La Colmena organizes cultural events like the “Nañi Migrante” festival, inviting relatives from Mexico to participate.

“These family reunions have been eye-opening,” Mercado says. “Family members come and see the conditions in which their relatives live, and see that the dollars are not hanging from the trees, and that they barely see [their relatives] because they are working 12 hours a day. It’s not like the beautiful photos that people see on Facebook about New York. There really is a sacrifice that people are making.”

La Colmena is studying the impact of remittances in towns in Mexico and looking at root causes of migration, while also advocating for immigration reforms that will benefit members here in the US.

Members are also exploring creative ways to build a collective economy. La Colmena was one of the many organizations that testified at last year’s “Joint New York City and State Hearing on Economic Democracy”.  For example, what are the ways that members could join together and become home owners, rather than living perpetually in rented accommodation with all the risks that entails? Are there ways in which a large group could pool money so they can all be part of a cellphone plan?

In other words, says Mercado: “What are the opportunities for us to use that collective power and envision a different economy, an economy that is more inclusive, and based on values.”

Read more and take action:

La Colmena

Endorse the SWEAT bill which will help workers recover unpaid wages

Support the passage of Carlos’ law in the NY Senate, to increase the fines and penalties developers face for safety infractions that lead to the death or injury of a worker.

National Day Laborer Organizing Network (NDLON)

Gonzalo Mercado at La Colmena’s day laborer center

Talking in Tottenville Library, Staten Island

Linda, Peggy, Marilyn, Rita and Letitia in Tottenville Library

On January 16, a group of women was gathered in Tottenville Library, near the Southern Shore of Staten Island, knitting and talking. They meet regularly at the library, including for a weekly book club.

We discussed significant buildings in the town, changes from the past, and the growing risk of climate change.

Protecting the shoreline

Tottenville was badly hit by superstorm Sandy in 2012. Strengthening resiliency to future storms and rising sea levels is fundamentally important for local residents.

“That was the first thing that I asked my daughter when she built [her house] here – are we in a flood zone?”, said Linda, who recently moved from New Jersey to join her daughter.  Newly built, and many existing, houses are elevated to protect them from flooding.

The group was excited to describe the Living Breakwaters project which will build a string of offshore breakwaters around the Southern part of the island, resuscitating the once-vibrant Oyster beds. “This borough won an award which allowed them to begin this project, which is very important ecologically,” said Linda.

Led by SCAPE landscape architects, the project won a $60 million grant from the Rebuild By Design program, and aims to “reduce risk, revive ecologies, and connect residents and educators to Staten Island’s southeast shoreline.”

The women are still concerned about what the impact of rising sea levels will be. “Overall, the lack of protection of our boundaries is terrible” said Rita.  “[Sandy] was six years ago and they still don’t have a clear action plan.”

A long commute

With limited local employment opportunities, people living on the South Shore experience the City’s longest commutes to work – commutes that can be even longer than in the past, due to the changing nature of work.

“When I first went to work from the South Shore, we wouldn’t even consider working in midtown Manhattan. You took the train and took the ferry, and you walked to work [in lower Manhattan],” said Rita. “That’s where you worked. But that’s when a lot of industry was still there, you had insurance companies, telecoms, Wall Street, that whole span. And the high schools would connect you to companies where you could work.”

The role of the library

The women emphasized the important role of the Tottenville Library in their local community. Dating back to 1904, it’s the oldest and Southernmost library on Staten Island.

They described the change from libraries’ primary role in the past as points of reference where visitors were asked to remain silent, to more of a social hub now that so much information can be found online. For this group of women it has fostered valuable friendships.